BEDLINGTON IRON AND ENGINE WORKS 1736

Bedlington Iron works.

Contents.

In The Beginning.	Becoming Firmly Established.	Bedlington's Endowment To The Railroads.	Further Railway Contributions.
Chartists in Bedlington.	VIVITUR IGNE ET AQUA ET FERR DEO FAVENTE.	Disaster and Desertion.

BEDLINGTON IRON AND ENGINE WORKS. 1736 - 1867.

Courtesy Terry McKinney.

"Where shall I begin please your Majesty? " he asked
" Begin at the beginning",
The King said gravely.
" And go on to the end, then stop"

Lewis Carroll - Alice in Wonderland

IN THE BEGINNING.

The beginning as far as ironworking in Bedlington is concerned was the tenth (10th) of December 1736, or this was the date on the lease for the land in Blyth Dene, signed by Mary Johnson of Bebside.

This lease on approximately fifty acres of land on the Bebside side of the river authorised the leesee to.

" Have the sole property, use and benefit of the River Blyth from the upper end of Daniels Haugh to the lower end of Flamingo Haugh and to make, erect, build, dig, sink and cut Dams, Wears Races and Ponds and the said Dams, Wears or Races to rest or border upon the North Side of the lands and Grounds of Mary Johnson to erect and build, Mills, Houses, Hovels, Lodges and other Edifices and Buildings."

The leesee also had permission to quarry for rocks, dig for clay, coal and iron but in return had to see that all hedges were trimmed and all roads remained accessible.

In addition Mary Johnson was to be allowed to view and inspect the property to see that the "banks and grounds were kept in a good state of husbandry.
The lease for a term of ninety-nine years was subject to an annual rent of 27 pounds and the lessee was a Newcastle merchant, William Thomlinson.
For over 140 years iron working, in the form of the making of nails, anchors, boilers, rails, locomotives and countless other iron parts, was carried out on the opposite Bedlington side.

William Thomlinson, a Cumbrian by birth, served an apprenticeship with his brother Richard, before moving on to Newcastle's Skinnerburn area as an ironmaster and was admitted freeman of the company of Newcastle Merchant Adventurers on 30th April 1729.
He was a nephew of Dr. Robert Thomlinson, a founder of Newcastle's Thomlinsons Library, and according to a newspaper of the time was "a tremendously wealthy man".

Prior to setting up his slitting mills and furnaces at Bebside, Thomlinson advertised his Skinnerburn establishment in the Newcastle Courant of the 9th October 1736: -

"TO BE LET - Mr. W. Thomlinson, Merchant in Newcastle, is intending to give up his warehouse at Skinnerburn, his stock of goods there consisting of sundry sorts, anvils, bellows, hammers, etc., for Smiths both new and old." N.B. "The warehouses, shops and dwelling houses and water mill, well situated are TO BE LET."

Thomlinson's works were not the first industry in Blyth Dene.
A little way up the river on the Bedlington side was the Bedlington Corn Mill, the history of which can be traced back to 1602 when it paid an ancient rent of 4 pounds to the Bishop of Durham.

This same year a Newcastle widow Isabell Ogle left her lease of Bedlington Corn Mill to her nephew Nicholas Herron and his heirs.

The history of this mill then appears again when it is seen that a Bedlington gentleman, William Currey, on the 11th of June 1715 left as part of his estate to his youngest son George, his two farms at Bedlington Mill and Hall Meadows.

Then again on the 30th May 1728, this same George Currey of " Slikeburn Pans", left his half of the lease of the same mill, dated 11th October 1727 and worth 300 pounds in certain shares, to is wife and children.

The corn mill was incorporated into the ironworks on the 8th May 1790 when Hawks and Longridge were granted a lease by the landowner, the Bishop of Durham.

Until recent years Blyth Dene was regarded as one of the main beauty spots of Bedlingtonshire, and beautiful it certainly was before Thomlinson moved in.

The Northumberland historian, Reverend John Hodgson, described it thus: -

"The side of the mill is where the steep, rocky and wood-sided banks of Blyth Dene begin to open and slope gently away into the estuary of the River Blyth. But the seclusion and loveliness of the spot have long since been spoiled of their charms, and the noise and smoke of trade have usurped their place."

In reading this description of the scene it would not be surprising if one asked why Thomlinson chose such a lovely spot to establish an ironworks.

To find an answer to this question one needs to make a study of the conditions in the English iron industry in the middle of the eighteenth century. Economists who met with the British Association in Newcastle in 1863 made such a study.

In the report on industries in the North East, I. L. Bell gave reasons for the decline of the iron industry in the South of England and its establishment in the North East and elsewhere early in the eighteenth century.

"At this period the manufacture of pig iron had fallen to a very low ebb, through the exhaustion of the wood required for charcoal smelting and the failure of attempts to utilise coal for this purpose."

There can be little wonder then why Thomlinson, even on this fact alone, set up his works in Blyth Dene.

It has already been seen from Hodgson's description and also the words of the lease that there was an abundance of trees in the Dene.

Allied to the fact was the presence of coal in the district, which had become of immense importance due to the work of a Shropshire iron master in 1730. This Shropshire man, Abraham Darby, began a revolution in the iron trade by using a system of smelting where coke was substituted for charcoal.

To complete the ideality of the Dene as an ironworks site there was of course the River Blyth, running between these coal-laden "woody sided" banks.

In iron working at this time waterpower was essential.

It drove water wheels for the helve hammers in the forge, for the draught necessary in the old blast furnace and to work the bellows needed to covert pig iron into wrought iron.

Another asset of the river was its proximity to the open sea from the Dene. Here for the prospective ironworker was the ideal situation for the iron works, for the end products could be shipped to the port of Blyth, barely two miles away up river.

An asset to iron working, which is mentioned in the lease, is the presence of iron in the coal measures on the banks of the river.
This point was to be mentioned again in Bell's speech to the British Association in 1863.

He mentioned that: -

"Many of the numerous beds of shale associated with the coal formation in this neighbourhood contain, interspersed in their thickness, modules of ironstone".
It is obvious that Thomlinson saw the potential that the Dene offered ironworking but, unfortunately, he personally was not able to reap any benefit, as he died in 1737, before the "noise and smoke of trade" usurped the loveliness of the spot.

It has been said that the conservative minded of the populace frowned upon this establishment of industry in their quiet rural environment.

But whether they approved or not, ironworking had arrived in the village and it was to add many colourful chapters to the story of Bedlington in the years to come.

Contents

BECOMING FIRMLY ESTABLISHED.

Much of the very early history of the works is extremely uncertain, but Thomlinson's company established and developed until 1757 when the concern was advertised for sale in every weekly edition of the Newcastle Courant from the 29th January to April 2nd 1757.

The advertisement throws some light on the state of expansion during the first twenty years:

"To be sold to the highest bidder on May 5th."

"The Slitting Mill and Warehouses, at Bebside near Blyth".

With workshops for about fourty nailers, now employed in an established trade and with all manner of tools suitable, also dwelling houses for the workmen, together with a large and commodious dwelling house, fit for a gentleman's family.

Consisting of ten fine rooms, four of which are hung with genteel papers, with good cellars, a stable, large garden and other conveniences together with thirty acres of land, well fenced and mush improved;

The whole held under a lease, of which about eighty years are unexpired and subject to the yearly rent of 28 pounds.

"Also another lease, of which about the same time is unexpired, of a place called Watson's Quay, near the said works, with a dwelling house, stable, and a warehouse for landing and shipping goods together with a piece of ground of about three acres, the whole subject to a rent of 13 pounds."

"N.B. There is a convenience of erecting a forge or other ironworks on the said premises. The works is well situated for coals and water, within a mile of that part which is navigable of the river Blyth."

"An account of what the slitting mill is capable of performing in one year, also the incumbent charges may be seen by enquiring of Thomas Simpson at his house in Pilgrim Street, Newcastle."

It is seen that a quay and other buildings had been erected on the Bedlington side of the river and the lease for this land had been acquired shortly after the Bebside land.

In later years this land was the site of the main furnaces, forges and workshops of the ironworks and hence from being known in its early years as Bebside Mill, the concern was given the given name or official title of "Bedlington Ironworks"

Certainly those first twenty years had seen rapid development of the industry and although nail making was the predominant occupation, early historians noted that forgings were made for "general purposes", as well as for the Slitting Mill.

The auction of 5th May 1757, resulted in Malings and Company of Sunderland taking a lease and further steady progress was made during this firm's stay in the Dene.

It was during the time of the Malings that the first axle tree for a forge was brought from Winfield Park in Westmorland. The axle was of oak and it took nine of the biggest wagon horses to draw it to Bedlington.

This gives us some idea of how big the water wheel would be.

The Northumbrian historian, Wallis, a contemporary of the Malings, wrote in 1767:

"The only ironworks with us at present of any eminence is at Bedlington. The ore is digged out of the hanging banks by the river, with great labour and pains, of various degrees of texture and hardness, some as soft as common clay till hardened by the air. The heaviest and richest in metal is mostly of a liver colour or a very deep brown."

Once this ore was obtained the Malings calcined (or roasted) it on the north bank of the river before tipping it into the blast furnace between layers of coke (or charcoal) and limestone for smelting. Huge bellows worked by a water wheel provided blasts of air, which heated the furnace. The ore melted and descended to the bottom of the furnace where it was tapped as pig iron.

The pig iron was then taken through another sequence in the forge whereupon it was made up into malleable (or wrought iron) iron forgings.

This process can be probably severe as a commentary on how iron working all over England was being carried out at this time.

The introduction to the iron industry of Henry Cort's puddling (or reverberatory) furnace in 1783 showed a sudden need to build furnaces near coal beds rather than woods and so the Bedlington furnace with its neighbouring coal seams from that time prospered, whilst many others in the Sussex Weald for instance closed down.

Bedlington's connection with the puddling furnace is shown by the fact that until recently there was a "Puddler's Row" barely a hundred yards from the site of the ironworks. (Note: Next to the "Bank Top" Blue Star Pub)

Following Malings and Company, the next owners of the Bedlington Iron Works were William Hawks and Thomas Longridge, brothers-in-law from Gateshead, who were both accomplished ironmasters.

The works were advertised for sale in February 1782 and Hawks and Longridge took over the ownership in that year.

Once again the state of the works is shown in the following advertisement:

"To be sold, the splitting mills, warehouses, smith's shops, dwelling house and warehouse situated at Watson's Quay contiguous to the Blyth river, all of which premises are held for a term of years of which fifty-three will be unexpired on May Day next."

These works are capable of executing 500 tons of rod iron and iron hoops in one year, and are well situated as to coal and the receipt and shipping of iron, being only one mile from the navigable port of Blyth, to which port iron may be brought from London on the most reasonable terms."

No mention is made of the previous sale of any smith's shops and it appears that the land at Watson's Quay was also developed during the time of the Maling's.

It is also interesting to note that the works were using the port of Blyth and making contacts as far away as London.

This contact with the ports of Blyth and London was continued under Hawk's and Longridge. The works were extended under the new owners and from the making of nails and simple forgings, Bedlington Iron Works became noted for their heavy forgings for the Blyth shipwrights, and also for the anchors made at the ironworks.

A fruitful trade in iron goods was carried on with merchants in London and many workmen were employed in working up scrap iron into rods and hoops.

This latter occupation seems, from the advertisement of 1792, to have developed during the period that the Maling's owned the works.

It was during the time of Hawks and Company that an innovation, the rolling mill, was introduced into the trade.

It will be shown how the successors to Hawks and Longridge extensively used the rolling mill but to Hawks and Company must go the credit for first building the mill at Bedlington.

Hodgson mentions the fact that the works were extensively developed under Hawks, and many men were employed in the "rolling iron and making a great variety of iron implements for home and foreign consumption".

However, nail making was still a profitable industry and the slitting mill obviously employed many men even in 1880, just before the ownership of the ironworks changed hands again.

At this time, Edward Charlton employed twenty nail makers; William and Henry Smith, employed fourteen and William Kirkup about twelve. These men were the master-nailers of the town of Bedlington and of course they received the split rods from the Bedlington works to manufacture the nails.

However, during the first quarter of the nineteenth century the splitting mills became disused at the Bedlington works, and soon after that all the nailers shops, apart from one, disappeared from the town.

The last shop belonged to the Gibson family and can be traced back to the beginning of the last century. Mr. Gibson says he was forced to finally pull down the shutters of his shop in 1930.

He has since been known in Bedlington and district as "The last of the Nailers".

The dawn of the nineteenth century saw Hawks and Longridge still in command of the Bedlington Iron Works. The story of the works in the eighteenth century in many ways provides a commentary on the state of and changes in the English iron industry during this period of history.

The discoveries by Abraham Darby, the introduction of the puddling furnace and the rolling mills were all contemporary happenings of the early Bedlington ironworkers.

The "ironmen" of Bedlington undoubtedly established their trade well into the eighteenth century, by expanding business and spreading the name of the firm.

One imagines that a certain amount of fame had been achieved over the first sixty or seventy years, but it could be nothing compared with the renown that was to be the Bedlington Iron Works in the years to follow.

In the year 1809, the works changed hands again.

This time the new owners were Gordon and Biddulph, a London based company. It was during their term of ownership that the greatest personality ever to be connected with the works, Michael Longridge, nephew of the previous co-owner came to Bedlington.

The exact date of Longridge's arrival at Bedlington is open to conjecture.

Sir Daniel Gooch, in his diaries, states that he (Gooch) was born in Bedlington in 1816 and that his father brought the family to Bedlington to join his cousins, the Longridge's, at the ironworks about a year before that.

This suggests that Michael was in Bedlington by 1815 and lends support to those who claim that he came in 1809, as a twenty-four year old, when Gordon and Company took over in the Dene.

Against this argument is the fact that Michael was married at his family home, Hunters Hall, Bishop Wearmouth in 1813 and the first three of his eight children were born and baptised there before 1817.

The first concrete evidence of Longridge and his family being resident in Bedlington is an entry in the parish register on 20th July 1819, recording the baptism of the Longridge's fourth child, William.

Whatever the answer, from 1819, Longridge's family name became synonymous with Bedlington Ironworks and shortly after this date he was made a partner.

In the early days of Gordon and Biddulph's ownership, the rolling mills were used extensively and the main products were rolled iron bars, iron sheets, hoops, anchors and chain cables.

Anchors, especially, were in greater demand than had been the case with previous owners, as Blyth was the centre of an expanding shipbuilding trade at this time.

In 1880 there were already four shipbuilding companies, namely "Manners and Bates", "Debord and Morrison", "Munroe and Davidson" and "Wrights". These joined "Davidsons" in 1802 and "Clarke and Taylor" in 1810.

With such an obvious demand for anchors it seems certain that the Bedlington works supplied the shipyards' needs.

Gordon and Biddulph being a London company there was a good market in the capital city for Bedlington iron, and large quantities were conveyed down the river in lighters and shipped at Blyth for London.

However, Michael Longridge's popularity was not only based upon an increase in trade. Shortly after his arrival, the Blyth Dene was a hive of activity with a great number of workmen employed, not only in manufacturing iron, but also erecting new buildings to cater for the social and educational needs of his workmen.

These buildings carried the mark of Longridge with the arms of the Longridge family displayed on the gable of a cottage.

(This now forms part of a rockery at Bebside Hall, having been brought to the place by Mr. Jobling when he lived there).

Despite these early developments under Michael Longridge all other work and production was to become overshadowed by Bedlington's part in the revolution that was taking place in Britain's transport.

The development of the railroads and locomotives in the country during the nineteenth century was to mean more extensions to the Bedlington Iron Works, dealing with famous men, trade in foreign parts and fame to the town and ironworks of Bedlington.

Contents

BEDLINGTON'S ENDOWMENT TO THE RAILROADS.
JOHN BIRKENSHAW AND THE CAST IRON RAIL.

"The importance of the Bedlington to Barrington wagon way as a factor in the evolution of the iron road can scarcely be over-estimated"

From the official History of the North Eastern Railway, W. W. Tomlinson, 1914.

"The Bedlington Iron and Engine Works will be remembered in industrial history more for the contribution made to the development of the early railways than for any other single reason."

"It is no coincidence that the company's peak of production and fame was paralleled by the excitement of railroad and locomotive development in this country and abroad."

Michael Longridge, of course was the business brain behind the thirty odd years that the company enjoyed comparative success in the cut throat world pioneer railway development, but deeply involved in the early days was his close friend George Stephenson, and the principle agent at the works, John Birkenshaw.

It was Birkenshaw who deservedly took most of the credit for establishing the name of Bedlington.

In 1819 an agreement was made with Thomas Mason, lessee of the Engine Pit near Willowbridge at Choppington, approximately two miles from the works, whereby reduced price coal would be provided, if a wagon way was built at the works expense, between the Dene and the colliery.

The pit would derive enormous benefit from this, as easy access would be provided to the quay where all local coals were keeled. The type of rails, cast or malleable iron, to be laid caused some debate, but Longridge came down on the side of malleable iron.

He was greatly influenced by a report on the Tindale Fell malleable iron railroad in Cumberland and on malleable rails in use at Ayr and Pinkie in Scotland.

This report, made by an engineer named Robert Stevenson of Edinburgh, was for the directors of the proposed railway from Edinburgh to the Midlothian coalfield.

Stevenson reported that "malleable iron is not only considerably cheaper in the first cost than the cast iron, but is also much less liable to accident".

In later years Longridge wrote to George Buchanan, civil engineer in Edinburgh, telling him how he had came to his decision.

Mr. Robert Stevenson's remarks in favour of the malleable iron rails attracted my attention.

"I was convinced of the superiority of malleable iron over cast iron, as a material of which a railway bar ought to be made that I resolved upon laying down malleable iron railway bars upon the road, which Bedlington Iron Company intended to make."

Mr. John Birkenshaw suggested the idea of making these railway bars "wedge form", by which means the same extent of surface as the cast iron rail was preserved for the wheels to travel upon, and the depth of the bar increased without adding necessarily to its weight.

By the recommendation of John Buddle Esq, we afterwards made the rails with a swell or curvature in the middle"

An estimate of the cost of laying a suitable wagon way to the Dene was made in April 1819 as follows:

The distance from the pit to the top of the bank where the works are..3,058 yards

From the top of the bank to the lime kiln...............................................191 yards
Branches to covey coal from the lime kiln into body of the works..........150 yards
Branch to the staithe...............................................................................528 yards

..............................................................................................................3,927 yards

Estimate of Expense....................................................Shillings Pence
The rails per yard weight 90 lbs. @ 12/6d per cwt..............10......... 0
2 blocks of stone for chairs @ 4d....................................................8
Laying rails.....................................................................................4
Making ruts, batteries, conduits etc....................................3.......... 0
Leading materials allowing for casualties........................................4
Ballasting the way...........................................................................8

Total expense per yard.......................................................15.... .. 00

Then 3,927 yards @ 15 shillings per yard will give the capital to be employed 2,937 - 15 - 0d (Pounds shillings and pence)

In fact the finished wagon way was built much more cheaply than this mainly because laying it directly to the staithe, a distance of 3,162 yards with a branch to the works of 400 yards making the amount of rail laid 3,562 yards.

Longridge also saved on the estimated cost by making the rails from tons of old scrap iron, bought out of Blyth harbour, this having been brought into the port as ballast.

In December 1820, Birkenshaw took out a patent on his invention. The original drawings show that seven different section shapes were submitted and in his specification Birkenshaw wrote:

"I do not claim the invention of this mode of operating upon iron bars, by which they are moulded into any shape".

"But I confine my claim to the exclusive right of manufacturing and vending the wedge form of bars or rails of malleable iron of any length, for the purpose of forming or constructing railways or railroads".

George Stephenson was tremendously impressed with Birkenshaw's work. He wrote in 1821,

"Those rails are so much liked in this neighbourhood that I think in a short time they will do away with the cast iron railways".
They make a fine line for our engines as there are so few joints compared with the other."

The Birkenshaw invention was important for another reason.

It took the making of iron rails out of the hands of the blacksmith and founder and passed it on to a power driven machine which was able to produce in vast quantities that were soon to be needed.

This was the dawn of the Railway Revolution and soon authorities from this country and abroad were speculating as to the most reliable rails and engines to use.

George Stephenson himself was, in 1821, surveying for the proposed Stockton-Darlington Railway and was faced with the "task" of recommending a suitable rail.

As he was, with William Losh, of Walker Ironworks, co-partner in the best cast iron rail product (according to James's letter) it would seem only natural for Stephenson to promote his own product.

However, such was his regard for Birkenshaw's malleable iron rail that he suggested the Company adopt this in preference to his own patent.

Such uncommon honesty was much appreciated at Bedlington, but Losh was not convinced of Stephenson's candour.

In a letter to Edward Pease, virtual head of the Darlington Railway Company, he accused Stephenson in November 1821 of ulterior motives in recommending the Bedlington rail.

In June 1819 the following announcement had appeared in the local press:

"TO BE DEPOSITED OF" - "A share of the Willow Bridge Colliery near Bedlington in the County of Durham.

"This is a new winning and two shafts have been sunk to the first seam at a depth of seventeen fathoms. There are two other seams (the same that is now working at Cowpen and Netherton) both within twenty-five fathoms of the one that is recently sunk.

The above colliery is in a most favourable situation being within one and a half miles of the river Blyth to which leave is granted for a railway and a quay which is already built for the shipment of coal".

Stephenson took up the partnership, and he invested 700 pounds in the venture. The mine was thereafter known as Mason, Stephenson and Company, later the Barrington Coal Company.

It was this interest that formed the basis of Losh's attack.

He suggested that Stephenson's recommendation was due to the fact that Longridge, apart from being a very good friend, was the best customer he had for coals, and that Longridge's iron works were important to Stephenson as they provided parts for his rails and engines.

Losh also suggested that Longridge was paying Stephenson commission on procured orders.

He wrote;

" In the long intercourse I have had with the world, I have found most people to be lean to their own interests, and I most certainly do not think that George Stephenson an exception to the general rule.

I do not state this as an objection to his general character, but these engagements in business being strictly contrary to the rules of the employers, to whom he owes his success in life, and his opposition to those who have most materially assisted him are at least a proof that interest has more influence over his mind than gratitude."

When Longridge learnt of this letter to Pease, he wrote to that gentleman in defence of Stephenson;

"I am sorry to learn from my very honest friend Stephenson that another person has been attempting to injure him in your estimation. I trust you have sufficient knowledge of him to form a true and just opinion."

Longridge went on to deny any link between Stephenson and the profit made from malleable iron rails;

"Stephenson can have no share in the malleable iron rail belonging to me nor have I offered him any commission or premium on the amount of rails sold".

Losh's letter had also included detrimental observations of the Birkenshaw rail, and whilst the men at the head of the Stockton-Darlington Railway Company had already formed a favourable opinion of Stephenson's character, they did not ignore Losh's observations of the Bedlington rail.

Besides, the cast iron rail was cheaper and some of the shareholders that had interests in cast iron rail companies demanded that a certain amount of cast iron, as well as malleable iron rails, should be advertised for.

However, Stephenson treated this lightly as is seen from a letter to William James in December 1821.

"With respect to the Stockton-Darlington Railway Company advertising for cast iron rails, it was meanly to please a few subscribers who have been bought over by the cast iron founders, but they have only advertised for one third to be cast iron rail.

In fact the sub-committee recommended that two thirds of the line be laid with malleable iron rails.

The rest with cast iron, and even though the full board later passed a resolution that the whole line should be laid with malleable iron rails, the finished line was composed of seven - eighths malleable iron and one-eighth cast iron."

By January 1822, George Stephenson had been officially appointed chief engineer of the Stockton-Darlington Railway Company at the salary of 660 pounds per year, out of which he "was to provide for services of assistants"

And work had begun on the building of the railroad, Bedlington Iron Company, recipient of a massive contract, had taken its first big step in what was to be the international world of railways, with delivery of 1,200 tons of malleable iron rails at 12 pounds and 10 shillings a ton.

As with most innovations, the Bedlington rail had its fare share of criticism, possibly only because it had challenged, and broken down the monopoly of cast iron rails, but it weathered the storm, and was used in most of the great early railroad developments in this country and abroad.

We now know that the Birkenshaw patent rail stood the test of time, and as this chapter opened with a very complimentary quote, it is fitting to end it with another.

This was from Bedlington's most famous son, Daniel Gooch, who had spent his boyhood days playing in and around the works; "I found on making an inspection of the Great Western Railway at Stratford on Avon, those rails on an old line …. ………. "Were all obtained from Bedlington Iron Works in 1830".

The line is worked by trains and the rails are all still in very good order (1867). "I have had a sample sent to me as a relic of the early history of railways.

This is now at Clewer Park (Gooch's home) and ought to be preserved"

Contents

FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS
TO
THE RAILWAYS.

Since long before the malleable iron rail saga, G eorge Stephenson and his brother Robert had been frequent business and social visitors to the Dene. In 1814, the works made the boilerplates, axles and wheels for Stephenson's first locomotive the "BLUCHER" and in succeeding years-made boilers and parts for many of the early railway companies in this country.

The Stephenson's were much in demand in the early 1820's and the Bedlington Company reaped the benefit of the many orders for iron parts that these two required.

A typical example is seen in the letter from Robert, written in Cork in 1823 asking Longridge for " a small boiler".

"You will receive the order by George Marshall or some of our people in a few days. I hope that Mr. Birkenshaw will see the plates nicely cut as we want it neatly finished".

All of this railway work was carried out in the forges, and there was no locomotive factory at Bedlington until 1827. Biddulph and Gordon, the proprietors, has acquired in 1829 the lease of the land south-east of the existing works, on the Blyth side of the river opposite the work's quay, and in 1836 began the task of building a locomotive works on the site.

When Longridge announced his intention to build a locomotive factory (named after his sixteen year old, fourth son Michael Bewick Longridge).

The news caused a great deal of agitation to the company members of the Robert Stephenson works in Newcastle, of which Michael Longridge was an original partner, as naturally this new company would be working in direct competition with the Newcastle works.

It is apparent that Longridge had long contemplated building a rival locomotive factory at Bedlington, but no doubt conscious of his connection with the Newcastle works, had dropped the idea.

However, his early intentions had become decided ones by early 1836.

Writing from Newcastle on the 12th of April that year,

Robert Stephenson told Joseph Pease of Longridge's plans.

"I had considered from previous communications with Longridge that he has given up the intention of building engines at Bedlington, on my arrival here however, I was surprised to learn that he had resumed the intention, and from what I can hear, it is more than probable he will carry this intention into effect…………. If he has made up his mind I have little hopes of changing his views…."

Stephenson went on to state his views on the future of the Newcastle works, and made a surprising suggestion.

"The concern is now, I believe, doing tolerably well, but the high prices which we are getting is bringing others daily into the filed, and though I do not doubt that we may keep some little ascendancy over others for a few years. I am not sanguine as to expect anything like extraordinary profits, and rather than allow Mr. Longridge to proceed in raising a similar establishment for Bedlington Iron Company, I think it is worth considering whether Forth Street may not be offered to the Bedlington Company…"

The younger Stephenson certainly tried to get Longridge to change his mind shortly after writing this letter but the Bedlington man went ahead with his plans, and it seems was only waiting for someone else to take over as manager at Newcastle.

In a further letter to Joseph Pease in the September of 1836 Stephenson referred to Longridge's request to be released.

" I had a letter from Mr. Longridge the other day, in which he asks if I have found anyone to take his situation. I informed him in my reply that I expected to do so very shortly…"

"Rivals are now coming into the field who have not to begin by expensive experiments. There is no groping around in the dark, or at least there ought not to be."

Certainly Longridge appeared to have a ready market for his locomotives and shortly after the new building was erected he produced his first loco ………………. in 1837, predictably the "Michael Longridge", for the Stanhope and Tyne Railway.

The whole town had been waiting for the "launching" of his first engine and hundreds littered the banks around the Dene to see the new loco hauled out of the factory by horses in traces, up the banks from the valley, to the turnpike to Newcastle.

The local newspaper covered the spectacle and the reporter seemed most impressed by this first locomotive of Longridge's company.

"This is one of the most powerful engines of this description manufactured, having six wheels all coupled, and it will actually draw a load of 300 tons. It is allowed by several eminent engineers, and other competent judges, that these engines are upon the best construction, and the workmanship reflects the greatest credit upon the local manufacturers…."

The first locomotives was numbered 104 and although many of the records of the company were lost, it is evident that few, if any, locomotives were built after 1852 (the factory closed in 1855) and the last locomotive traced was the "Prince Albert", No. 309 of 1852.

From this it would seem that over 200 locos were built, but in fact, the number is nearer 155 - 160. Ther are no records from the latter part of 1842 to 1845 and some historian's believe that production ceased during this period.

Certainly evidence seems to point to this. Many men were paid off at the works in July 1842, and the local press told "it is no uncommon circumstance to see groups of men, sitting about unfrequented parts of the tow, playing cards."

For the enthusiast, the records of locomotives built and companies built for, as have been to hand, are listed at the end of this chapter.

The "Prince Albert" was almost certainly the last engine to survive.

This broad gauge 040 tank was originally built for J & C. Rigby, contractors on the Holyhead breakwater, and worked at least until 1910, on the Isle of Anglesey.

When the works opened, a set of twenty-two-rules and regulations was drawn up, and these have survived to make interesting reading today (see appendix)"

"The men worked twelve hours a day, starting at six in the morning."

"Both breakfast and lunch were taken at the works with half an hour and one hour allowed respectfully."

"And to be found idling was fined one shilling, and should a man or boy is late for work, he was forbidden to start until after breakfast."

It appears that the works provided each man with a set of tools, and a key to a locker, for Rule eight states:

"Any person leaving service will not be paid wages until he gives up the key to his drawer, and the tools charged against him."

It is curious to note that any mechanic found to be without a two foot rule was to be fined sixpence, and negligence on the part of the smiths warranted the heaviest fine of all, two shillings and sixpence, should they fail to put their fires out at night.

The amount of light these men had to work under is evident by one rule, which states:

" Workman will shut off gas or blow out candles at meal times, and at the end of the day, or pay one shilling fine."

"Smoking was prohibited on a fine of one shilling and poor work was unacceptable" as rule twenty clearly shows:

"Any workman making a bad habit of bad work shall make good such work, and pay expenses incurred thereon."

It is apparent, from the footnote to the locomotive works regulations, that the company catered quite well for men giving good service:

"Any agent, clerk or man in the works service, shall after ten years (not including term of apprenticeship) becoming incapable of work through old age or accident in the companies service or receiving any disease not occasioned by intemperance.

Receive a pension of 5 pounds per annum for life, or after twenty years service, 10 pounds per annum, and after one year, one pound for each year.

During the best years locomotives were built for many new railway companies, both in this country and abroad.

The very first train to run from King's Cross was pulled by a Bedlington engine, as were Holland and Italy's first trains.

Replicas of these continental locos are preserved in museums in these two countries. De Arend and De Snelheid in Utrecht and Bayard in Rome.

An agent in the works employ, named Starbuck made the European trade connection.

All the early successful contracts with railway companies in Italy, Holland and Germany and Belgium were made through Starbuck, but in 1840 he became a freelance agent, obviously believing his talent was worth bargaining for. Continental connections, of which Starbuck had plenty, were extremely important, and no sooner did he break with Bedlington than Stephenson stepped in.

"You have probably heard." Robert wrote to Joseph Pease, "…that Longridge and Starbuck no longer carry on business together.

The latter intends commencing a commission business on his own account, and has applied for me to allow him to act for Robert Stephenson and Company, more particularly on the continent, where he has already been instrumental in establishing a connection for Longridge and Company in their locomotive department.

"I am of the opinion that I cannot do better than arrange with Starbuck without delay in order that he may go at once abroad to appraise his correspondents personally of the change which has taken place and introduce himself as acting for us………it is most essential that we should cultivate our continental business, and I cannot conceive a better opportunity of doing so than that which has occurred through Starbuck."

The Longridge was the Stephenson's gain and, after this break in 1840, Bedlington's trade with the continental countries never ever anything resembled the same as before.

In 1855 the locomotive factory was closed down. The cost of transit was far too great, and competition was too much to contend with.

The Stephenson's were practically sitting on a railway at Fourth Street, and this made transportation costs of locomotives simple in complete contrast to the task facing the Longridge's in the Dene.

Locos, heavy forgings, and boilers all had to be conveyed on trolleys drawn by draught horses, the twelve miles to Newcastle where they were delivered, shipped or placed on the railway to their destination.

So Bedlington Locomotive Works closed after a comparatively short time in production. One can imagine that Michael Longridge was very disappointed even though he had left the works in 1853.

Despite this, Longridge's Company had in a short time made a decided contribution to the development of home and continental railways.

In fact it is amazing the number of railway engineers who were connected with the Bedlington Iron Works. Apart from Michael Longridge and Birkenshaw, there was Thomas Gooch, manager of the first Carlisle Railway, and Nicholson of the Dundee Railway, Thomas Gooch's brother, Sir Daniel Gooch of the Great Western Railway and John Dixon (Bedlington Born) who laid down the very first railway track in China.

These men and many hard working, unknown, lesser lights made certain that Bedlington would always be remembered whenever the early history of railways is discussed.

Contents

THE CHARTISTS
IN
BEDLINGTON.

The year 1839 was a boom year for the engineworks, seventeen locomotives being produced for different companies in Europe and Asia. Yet during the summer months of this year there was a great deal of Chartist agitation in and around the village of Bedlington.

The Chartist movement had its roots in the radical Working Men's Associations of the 1830's. Its main aim was to secure fair political representation for the great masses of the country.

The six points of the Charter as prepared in 1837 were;

· Universal Manhood Suffrage;
· Annual Parliaments;
· Vote by Ballot;
· No Property Qualifications;
· Payment of Members;
· Equal Voting Districts;

The principles of The Peoples Charter, as it was known, were spread all over industrial Great Britain in the late 1830's. Great orators such as Henry Vincent in the South and Midlands, and Augustus Beaumont in Northumberland and Durham, fanned the embers of discontent amongst the working classes so that the Chartist Movement was a sufficient nuisance to frighten anyone found to be unsympathetic to the cause.

It is not possible to detail here the early history of Chartism in the area, save only to mention that the cause had tremendous support in the region. In June 1838 one of the greatest rallies ever held in Britain up to that time was organised for the 27th of that month, on the Town Moor, Newcastle.

From the early hours men of every trade, from both Tyne and Wear, began to gather in front of St. Nicholas Cathedral, and from 09-00 a.m. paraded six deep through the streets of Newcastle, led by fourteen brass bands, and banners of various sorts.

Many of these banners carried quotes from Lord Byron's poetry;

"Our Birthright" "Freedom, such as God hath given Unto all beneath His Heaven" "Revolution" "I've seen some nations like overloaded asses Kick off their burdens, meaning the high classes"

On another flag appeared Robbie Burn's immortal quote;

"Man's inhumanity to man Makes countless thousands mourn,"

So great was the procession that when the leaders had reached the Moor many were still waiting to set out from the city some one and a half miles away.

A conservative estimate put the number at the rally as eighty thousand. The speeches were made, and listened to, whilst the multitude was surrounded by armed militia, A few scuffles broke out, but generally the meeting was an orderly one, considering the numbers and very high emotions of the people present.

Following the demonstration, believers of the Charter could be found in many towns and villages in the area. By the early summer of 1839 bands of militant Chartists had threatened the Works at Bedlington.

However, Longridge had experienced militancy seven years before, both at the works, and at his collieries at Barrington.

In 1830 and the years immediately following, miners were showing militant dissent, especially with the rules binding them to employers.

Small associations were formed, and miners at Cowpen and Netherton Collieries had used strike action against the anomalies and injustices of these binding rules.

Under the bond system the miners received a guaranteed wage of 2/ 6 per day or 15/ 00 a week, whether the pit worked or not, with coal and a house at 3/ 0 a week, deducted from their pay.
Piece workers could earn up to 5/ 0 a day.
However, in 1830 the upstanding wage was withdrawn, reducing the wages to 8/ 0 or 10/ 0 a week.

Working Men's Associations were formed and injustices brought out with the threat of militant action.

In April of 1832, when the bonds were due to be renewed, a general strike was called, and a meeting of an estimated 14,000 men took place on Blyth Links where it was revealed that Longridge's men at the Barrington Collieries were still at work.

Longridge was known to be a "Good Boss": who gave his men above average rates of pay as well as organising a welfare and sick scheme for his employees.

Consequently, whenever there were labour disputes Longridge's men were loath to take part in them and of course they became the targets of any militants.

On this particular occasion the dissenters marched on Barrington pits, and caused enough damage to lay the men off.

Because of this action Longridge determined to protect himself, his men, and property against the possibility of further attacks.

He drew up a notice of procedures, a copy of which still exists;

"When the alarm is given, the men are to come to my house; those at Sleekburn are to go to the pit; those at Bedlington are to go to the officer commanding there. The men with guns or pistols must not fire without order, and in this case fire by division and according to the officers orders, Fire low, so as to lame, but not to kill.
The men with swords and bludgeons to make prisoners of the ringleaders, but not to break rank and file until ordered.

Be cool and steady."

There is evidence of great discontent, amongst the miners, especially the years following 1832 and the seeds of Chartism were easily sown in the area in the late 1830's.

Early in 1839, the Bedlington Democratic Reform Association, whose leader was an Irish labourer named Henry Cronin, was following a policy of exclusive dealing backed up by intimidation and a Chartist force was being drilled nightly by a discharged local soldier, Ralph Charlton.

It has been said that much of Bedlington's trouble was psychological, as there was no local police force, and the nearest magistrate was twenty miles away in Durham.

Certainly the Vicar (Mr. E. Ogle) and Longridge were very concerned, and the latter wrote to the Home Office on the 4th June 1839 asking for help, in the form of police, in the village.

"It is quite time that decided measures were taken to stop these itinerant demagogues. At meetings, which they held last night, the most violent and seditious language was made use of, and a system of intimidation is commenced which is producing a very serious effect."

The following day Longridge learned that one of the speakers at the meeting on the third (Ruecastle), had purchased fifty firelocks, and ordered 500 more from Mr. E. Charlton of Gateshead.

One of the Bedlington shopkeepers, Robert Dawson, wrote to James Wakinshaw of the ironworks explaining how Chartists has asked whether or not he (Dawson) would support the Charter.

Having given a negative answer Dawson was informed they, the Chartists, would see that nobody dealt with him.

The same question had been levelled at Mr. Orange, the farmer - butcher, who had been warned that unless "protection money" was paid at the rate of 6 / 0 a month, then something fearful would happen to his cattle at the dead of night. Mr. Orange paid up.

In reply to the Longridge's letter to the Home Office, Lord John Russell refused to send the requested policemen, but Longridge pressed the matter with Lord Hawick, M.P., and in mid-June two London constables were posted to the village of Bedlington.

Their arrival coincided with the delivery of a letter to Longridge, purporting to come from one of his men. Longridge pinned up the letter at the works institute together with the following notice:

"Mr. Longridge thanks the writer of the following letter for the family warning."

"He advises the workmen who are not satisfied with his treatment of them to leave the manufactory".

Under this was a copy of the letter received:
Bedlington
June 12th
Respected Sir,

I have, after a long and serious consideration, gained my own permission to apprise you of an approaching danger about to be put into force - a conspiracy against you and your sons, and a few more of your honourable friends. It deems your sons to be much more tyrannical than yourself. I understand this popular antipathy emenated from your late persecution added to your long continued depotism this agitation amongst your own and other workman is the prevalent discourse. Honourable Sir, ponder pathetically, and regard this most important harbinger, by doing so perhaps you may avoid men traps.

I remain your humble servant, and your own honest workman!"

Longridge received a letter of response from the men in the engine factory.

Bedlington Ironworks,
18th June 1839

Respected Sir
We, the undersigned workmen in the engine factory, in meeting assembled to take into consideration the best means of declaring our innocence of the base charge alleged against us, namely a conspiracy against you and your sons, which we, to a man declare to be false and malicious.

Resolved,

(a) That it is the opinion of the meeting that a sight of the original letter might lead in some measure to the discovery of the offender.

(b) That we are determined, by every means possible and in our power to ascertain the offender, that we may have it in our power to meet him face to face and thereby prove our innocence.

© That this meeting desires you to inform us if the late supposed conspiracy was the cause of the appearance of the two authorities from Bow Street office; for we consider ourselves as men, quite capable of maintaining peace, law and order, without the aid of beings not worth the name of men.

(d) That we earnestly require an answer, in order that we may have an opportunity, to publicly declare our innocence.

Sir,
We have the honour to be,
Your Faithful workmen"

The letter was signed by sixty-one-workmen from the engine factory.

As soon as Longridge received the letter he displayed the following notice:

"ANONYMOUS LETTER"
Whereas Mr. Longridge warning him of a conspiracy, against himself and his family has received an anonymous letter, existing amongst the workmen employed at Bedlington Iron Works.

This letter having been made known to the workmen, they;

" TO A MAN DECLARE THE CHARGE TO BE FALSE AND MALICIOUS" "Mr. Longridge fully believes in the innocence of the workmen and in order to assist them in discovering the author of this disgraceful accusation, he hereby offers to reward any person who will give him such information as will lead to the discovery and punishment of the writer of the anonymous letter.

Bedlington Iron Works, June 19th 1839

Longridge called all the men to a meeting on the 21st of June and mentioned the arrival of the two Bow Street Officers referred to in the anonymous letter:

"They were sent for before I received tha anonymous letter, and consequently before such a thing as a conspiracy entered my head."

He went on " I consider you capable of maintaining peace, law and order, and I have said so to Her Majesty's Ministers, and to the Magistrates of the two counties."

Two days before his address to the men, the Chartists had held a demonstration and a march in the village, in which windows were broken and women and children scared from the streets.

Some of the demonstrators were Iron works men, and they received the sharp end of Longridge's tongue.

"I detest and reprobate the outrageous conduct of the men who joined the lawless mob in the village on Wednesday night."

"I felt utterly ashamed that any of my men should thus far sully the fair name of the Bedlington Iron Company's workmen by mixing with a rabble".

"I have reason to believe that some were in riotous assembly have repented. I hope for their sakes their repentance is sincere; if not I must tell them that the Great Being at whose dread bar I myself and everyone of you must so very soon stand, has declared "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord".

Longridge went on to show that he detested Chartist policy, but agreed that. "…. Many amendments might be made in our political economy which would improve both your condition and my own."

He likened the Chartists to novices trying to repair an engine.

"We might possibly have the skill enough to take the engine to pieces, but I am sure that we could never put it together again".

Longridge ended his long oration with the words of advice.

"Fear God and Honour the Queen".

His speech was received with greet applause and cheers.

Barely three weeks after his address, Bedlington was visited by one of the leading Northern Chartists, George Julian Harney, and a young, ambitious politician. Harney addressed a crowd from the Market Cross on Sunday the 7th July but was arrested in the village during the night. "The Port of Tyne Police" recounted the event as follows;

" On Sunday night last, at about twelve o'clock, two police officers arrived at the village of Bedlington, near Morpeth, with a warrant issued by the magistrates of Birmingham for the arrest of G.J. Harney. One of the representatives of the Newcastle district in the Convention.

Harney was found in bed at the house of Mr. Henderson, surgeon, and was quickly taken into custody by the police officers who immediately conveyed him to Newcastle, through which town he passed at a bout five o'clock in the morning and went by the first train carriages on the Carlisle Railway on the road back to Birmingham".

When the news of Harney's arrest reached the ears of the Bedlington Chartists they assembled at the Market Cross and marched to Blyth, led by a brass band to consult their brethren in the port. The newspaper report went on:

" In consequence of the riotous threats which many of the party made, the magistrates of the district were induced to send for a troop of the Seventh Dragoons from Newcastle, who arrived during the course of the day."

In the evening when the Chartists returned from Blyth they seemed panic-stricken by the site of the military, and though they held meetings the tone of their language was much less violent than previously.

So little was made by the Bedlington Chartists that their Blyth comrades passed a resolution criticising their Bedlington colleagues for allowing Harney to be taken.

But it is very difficult to see what the Bedlington men could have done to resist the arrest at such an early hour of the morning.
Certainly the Bedlington Chartists carried on their proceedings with impunity after Harney's arrest, and threats were again made to the Longridge's. In a letter to his son, William, a week after the Harney incident Michael wrote:

"Scallywags may come so the cannon are loaded and the houses full of armed men who have orders to fire upon any person attempting to enter the premises."

It seems that the Bedlington Chartists were very much a minor element of the Blyth movement and on Friday 16th August a meeting was held at Blyth Links.

It was decided that Longridge should be made to suffer for his supposed despotism and a "deputation", part armed, marched upon Barrington Main and or "Low" pit.

This was one of the collieries of which Longridge was a part owner, situated approximately one mile from the iron works, opposite to where the Miners Institute was later built.

The colliery agent Mr. John Carr was shot at and damage was done to the shaft and surface equipment, before reinforcements arrived from the ironworks, and "scattered the scallywags," as the "Port of Tyne Pilot" put it.

Not satisfied with the damage done and chasing received, the Chartists moved on to another Longridge pit, the Glebe Pit, owned in partnership known as the Barrington Coal Company, and further on to the Howard Pit at Netherton, causing damage to buildings and machinery.

The main reason for these attacks and the especially ferocious one at Barrington Main was that the workers here had refused to keep the "Sacred Month" which was meant to be a period of intense Chartist pressure, through demonstrations and strike action. If we are to believe the "Tyne Pilot" of 17th August then the "Sacred Month" was a total failure in Northumberland and Durham.

"If the "Sacred Month" has begun we are not aware of it…….. A few lazy rascals at one or two of our collieries have indeed "dropped work" under the pretence of keeping the "Sacred Month" and induced their companions also to lie idle for a short period…" Unsuccessful or not the Chartist month of protest closed Bedlington Ironworks mainly because some of the men had "struck" and, because of the nature of their employment, their comrades had also been forced to come out with them. The newspaper believed " a few days drinking is all they want, and expect, before these lines go to press, to hear that the whole of them have resumed work."

The last evidence of Chartism in Bedlington is seen in a newspaper report of December 27th 1839:

Last Saturday, Mr. Peddie, a prominent Chartist from Edinburgh addressed a Chartist meeting at Bedlington's Market Cross. The meeting was considered very unsuccessful and there were very few cheers and fewer pennies at the passing around of the hat. No more than fourty people were present."

So Longridge and the works weathered the storm of Chartism, and although the Chartists had worked their way into the hearts and minds of some of the workmen, it seem that no lasting ill effects were ever suffered by the men or the works.

Contents

1819 - 1853
"VIVITUR IGNE ET AQUA ET FERR DEO FAVENTE"

As has been seen, the years 1819-53 were predominately the railway era at Bedlington. Yet all of this time the works had remained under the same manager, and had expanded in other directions catering not only for the excessive demands from iron, but also for the welfare of the ironworkers themselves.

Longridge acquired the lease from the Earl of Carlisle in 1820 of ironstone mine at Netherton village, previously worked by Heaton Iron Company. From the coal measure outcrops in the area, the ironworks obtained quantities of Remilite iron ore and mixed the ore with ironstone, sent from Cleveland area of Yorkshire, and mill cinder.

Many furnaces on the North East Coast at this time were using the stone, which became known as "Whitby Stone".

In order to smelt this mixture two new furnaces were constructed on the north bank, where the river turns for Blyth, but these were not long in existence, and soon fell into disuse.

In 1839 Thomas Davison, land agent for the Bishop of Durham, made a report on the works value. The report, dated 14th September 1839, is worth recounting in full.

"DESCRIPTION AND VALUATION
OF
BEDLINGTON IRONWORKS IN THE COUNTY OF DURHAM AND NORTHUMBERLAND"

The works are situated on the north and south banks of the River Blyth.

The freehold parts consist of thirty acres of grassland, garden and building ground, a large steam engine manufactory, fit up with machinery of the most recent and approved construction, capable of making fifty locomotives, engines and tenders per annum;

Iron and brass foundries for making the cast iron and brass works for the above engines, copper and smiths shops, warehouse, gasworks, wharves, agents and workmen's dwelling houses, stables and granary, stone dams and wear across the river and a stone bridge, the whole value at 46,000 pounds.

The leasehold property consists:

Forge worked by water wheel, capable of forging 200 tons of anchors and engine work per annum.
Forge worked by water wheel (and during short water by steam engine) capable of forging 200 tons of anchors and engine work per annum.
Forge worked by steam engine capable of rolling 10,00 tons of blooms for bar and bolt iron per annum.
Forge worked by steam engine capable of rolling 10,000 tons of bar and bolt iron for boiler plates per annum.
Rolling mills worked by steam engine capable of making 300 tons of anchors and large engine work per annum.
Anchor shops capable of making 300 tons of anchors and large engine work per annum.
Testing machines warehouses shops, agents and workmen's houses, gardens and a large wharf etc. Quay with a large crane and railway thereon.

The whole of this property is valued at 50,000 pound.

The lease is from 14th September 1839 for thirty-one - years of 200acres of coal, railway, coal staithe etc, etc, etc valued at 10,000 pounds.

Freehold.......................................................................46,500
Leasehold.....................................................................50,000
Colliery lease................................................................10,000

Total Value..................................................................106,000 Pounds.

Suitable coals for the furnace are delivered at the works for 3 / 0 a ton and the company have the royalty for 200 acres as mentioned, immediately adjoining the works, and there are virgin seams containing most valuable coals, but they find it much cheaper to procure them at the above price rather than work their own at this present time.

The navigable River Blyth flows into the works and lighters and barges carrying twenty to thirty tons can come right up to the works.

Numerous collieries were opening up in the immediate neighbourhood and the Newcastle and Berwick Railway from which a track will pass within a quarter of a mile of the works.

(This route for the railway never materialised owing to wayleave difficulties and was laid on its present route through Stannington and the Stannington Viaduct in 1847).

NOTE: Still standing today at the end of the Hartford - Plessey Woods.

Longridge was ever on the search for cheap priced coal.

A lease in 1828 of the Purvis and Errington coal seams at High Cowpen granted the royalty mentioned in the report.

Longridge had a bore hole put down near the river, in the vicinity of the present railway viaduct, but this scheme to open a mine opposite the works never matured, and in 1840 Longridge gave the lease over to Carr and Jobling of Cowpen Colliery.

It was in 1840 that Longridge secured a lease of coal from Lord Barrington and established a winning known as Barrington "Henry" Colliery. This was connected to the ironworks by an extension to the wagon way and was carried on partly in conjunction with the works and partly as a sea sale colliery.

This same year, Longridge suggested to his chief agent, John Birkenshaw, who was also a partner in the colliery at Netherton, that the iron works pay for rail to be laid from the pit to the river. Birkenshaw's pit supposedly produced a best quality steam coal in the North and Longridge's intention was to obtain this coal at a cheap price, in return for laying the rail.

The suggestion was taken up and the rail was completed in 1841, joining the existing wagon way at Bedlington Station, finishing up at Granary Point Jetty, East Sleekburn.

Away from the ironworking business strategy this demanded, there be evidence that Longridge was a champion of his men, ever eager to enhance their social and mental welfare.

In 1829 a workmen's institute was completed which was the social center where the men could relax with a book or a newspaper or take up one of the courses provided by the company. When the ironworks buildings were demolished some time ago a stone bearing the works motto was taken from the institute.

"Vivitur Inge et Aqua et Ferro Deo Favente"

Translated from Latin means:

"WE LIVE BY FIRE, WATER IRON AND THE GRACE OF GOD"

Also inscribed on the stone were the letters G&B (Gordon and Biddulph) and the date 1829.

This stone was set into the bandstand at Dene Park, but this has since been vandalised by the youth of today and not a letter now remains.

Realising the importance of education, Longridge had a school built in 1821, in the "Free Wood" on the Bedlington side of the river, This was for the workmen's children and, initially, was run on the Lancashire pupil teacher system.

In 1842 Longridge had to give evidence to the Children's Employment Commission, and he wrote the following to them:

"We have for several years had a school for the workmen's children, who are taught reading, writing, arithmetic, knitting and sewing."

It is to be lamented that the parents have not availed themselves of their school, as they ought to have done. Perhaps this may be attributed to their paying too little to its support.

We charge all unmarried men employed here; one "penny" per week and married men "twopence" per week.

Out of this fund we defray the expenses of the school, books etc salary to a master and a mistress and provide our workmen and their families with medical attention and medicine.

The parents finding the cost of education so low estimate its value very low and do not really care whether their children attend at school regularly or not.

To remedy this, it is intended to advance the weekly charge to the workmen.

"An infant school has lately been established, Sunday schools are also taught, both here and in the village"

"An evening school is likewise kept. Several of the older apprentices in the engine factory are taught drawing by one of the foremen, three nights per week. For this they pay "sixpence" per week. The company provides the schools with lights and fire, also drawing boards and squares and paper".

This school has not been long established but the progress of the apprentices is most gratifying"

The master of the school added his remarks"

"Average attendance of boys, fifty of girls fifty. ages from five years and upwards. Attendance thirty hours per week."

Method of teaching:

Interrogatory and explanatory, Books used in the school: The Old and The New Testament, Abridged History of England, Guy's British Spelling and several other books belonging to the S.P.C.K.

Courses of Education: Reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, geography and mathematics.

Girls are also taught knitting and needlework.

With respect to the moral and religious instructions given at this school, a special catechism, which the children learn as soon as they are able to read it, is printed for the children.

The parents being of various religious denominations, it was thought advisable to put into the hands of the children a catechism which would contain the doctrines of Christianity considered essential by all orthodox Christians, while it does not enter into the peculiarities of any specific creed.

A certain portion of the catechism is learnt during the Saturday and Sunday at home and repeated at school on Monday".

A library and newsroom was also set up in the institute shortly after the building was opened in 1829. In 1848 the men each contributed "one shilling a quarter" for its upkeep and the management provided the newspapers.

Mr. John Biddulph donated the books in the library, one of the partners, and Sir Walter Scott's novels "The Monastery" and "The Abbot" took pride of place. One book, in the possession of Mr. W.H. Gibson is entitled "The Marriage" and was published in 1850.

The slip inside informs the borrower that the book "may be kept for fourteen days, fine one penny a day if kept longer.

Any person destroying any of the books must pay the full value of it when new.

The library reading room was open each weekday from 07-30 p.m. to 9-00 p.m. and the librarian and secretary were works employees and they gave their services free.

In 1843 the librarian was Mr. Thomas Noble and he had been a prominent figure two years earlier when he made a collection and drew up an account sheet for the purchase of a work's letter bag.

The social committee was very keen to take advantage of the penny postage system introduced in 1840 by Sir Rowland Hill and obviously so were the men as 130 contributed the sum of "four pounds two shillings and fivepence" for the bag which only cost ten shillings.

It was agreed that Messrs. Allen and Routledge the postman should each receive a "guinea" for their services and that Thomas Noble should be given the balance of "one pound ten shillings and five pence" for making the collection and account.

Apart from the library and postal service, the workmen started producing in 1839 monthly editions of their own newssheets, which went under the magnificent title of "The Blyth and Bedlington Literary Supplement". One editorial made comment on the welfare of the workmen;

"Few establishments can boast a better regulated set of workmen. No means have been left unemployed to make them comfortable"

This seemed to be so, for apart from social amenities already mentioned beforehand a bandroom was also set aside in the institute and the instruments and tuition were provided free.

Despite this, further extract from the newspaper shows that the workmen were not, however, even with free tuition but keen to learn.

"We can only regret that so splendid a collection of musical instruments should be neglected and left in the bandroom to spoil. We perceive that the music master has the pleasure of attending every fourteen days, merely to receive his money and then whistle to the wind"

The sick fund, run by relief committee and formed by Longridge in 1810 and 112 members in 1824.

A man would contribute "three pence per week" and on being off work was entitled to "eight shillings per week" for six months and then "three shillings and sixpence per week" as long as he was unable to work.

If he died, his dependents received "Five Pounds" and a funeral benefit of "Two Pounds".

On the death of a wife or child, benefits of "Three Pounds" and "One Pound Ten Shillings" were given respectively.

All the social innovations of these years were due solely to the energy of Michael Longridge and, whilst he was devoting most of his time to the running of the ironworks.

His former agent-inventor, John Birkenshaw, was travelling the length of the country assisting, as engineer and advisor on many of the new railroads.

He eventually settled down in Bedlington, buying apiece of land at Holly mount and building Hollymount Hall there in 1844, but eventually left the Bedlington area for the south, leaving his coal interests to his son John Cass Birkenshaw.

Michael Longridge bought Hollymount Hall from Birkenshaw and it was there that he died in 1858.

Longridge certainly lived in the big Dene House near the ironworks, but spent his early years at the Willowbridge (Choppington) House he had leased when first coming to live in the area.

NOTE; It was Hollymount where I grew up Bill, my granny lived in No 12 Hollymount Terrace and we lived in No 12 Hollymount Avenue. The hall in those days was rented out as sort of apartments and was only occupied by what we thought were "Old Witches" it was an enormous place with many rooms.

Having carried out this research for you it clearly indicates that my grandfather McKinney was a Longridge and Birkenshaw coalminer because he worked for many years at Choppington and Barrington Collieries and I' m going back years and years. He died in 1948 and I think from memory he was about 78 plus take a bit.

He had come down south from Lanarkshire, Scotland as a young man to work in the coalmines, and of course with my granny hailing from Cowpen it makes sense that she also worked in service for the gentry of Longridge and Birkenshaw, as well as Lord Sydney at Cowpen Hall.

Another interesting part of her family - there were 12 or 13 children (No TV in them days hi!)

Her sister or one of her sisters was married to a chap who was the Head Gardener at Ridley Park on the road out of Blyth for Seaton Sluice and they lost an only son Sq. Leader Leonard Moore R.A.F. Bomber Command in about 1943 / 44.

It used to be a day out with my granny going to visit her "POSH SISTER" and have afternoon tea outside in the garden.

The works were at their peak in 1850 and both historians, Bergen and Craster; state that nearly 2,000 men were employed in the iron works at this time.

No definite proof can be found to verify that number and it certainly seems very high. It may be that the 2,000 men were in Longridge's employ at the works and at the local collieries, but whatever the answer, the four to five years after 1850 saw more men unemployed in the Dene than ever before.

The rolling mills, blast furnaces and forges were worked day and night producing rails and forgings for the Crimea War effort. Finished products were sent down to Blyth in keels and then shipped at Blyth for the war location.

The fame of the works was such at the time that Longridge was asked in 1851 to provide an exhibit for the Great Exhibition held at Crystal Palace in that year.

The Newcastle Journal described it thus:

"An immense anchor of most beautiful finish and construction, weighing five tons two quarters has this week been forwarded to the Great Exhibition from the ironworks of Longridge and Company of Bedlington. It was viewed by a great number of persons whilst lying on the truck at the Gateshead Goods Railway Station previous to its being sent down to London. After it has been exhibited it will be consigned to the Admiralty for use of the Royal Navy."

Whilst Longridge seemed to have the Midas touch in Bedlington, he received his fair share of criticism in an early venture with the Stephenson's and Edward Pease of Darlington.

The four men had formed in June 1823 a locomotive works at Fourth Street, Newcastle but shortly after this the Stephenson's were called away on business, George an engineer to the Liverpool - Manchester Railway and Robert to South America.

A note from the minute book of the works taken on the 31st December 1824 reads;

'It is now agreed that the management be taken over by Michael Longridge at the rate of 200 pounds per year, for the ensuing year.

It is also agreed that Michael Longridge shall take charge of all correspondence and all of the accounts, etc".

Longridge had been only two months in his new post when he found he had to answer criticism. Thomas Richardson, who had become a partner in the ironworks, wrote to Longridge telling him of an anonymous letter of criticism of the manager, which he had received.

In reply, Longridge pointed out that had he only taken the job as he felt he owed a debt to the Stephenson's.

Who would benefit from his business knowledge?

"I never intended to have the slightest charge of the manufactory, …circumstances over which I had no control have unfortunately for me thrown the responsibility upon my shoulders for the present time; but, I do hope that Robert's early return to England will soon relieve me and in the meantime, if you or Mr. Pease can appoint a suitable person it will be much obliged".

Longridge, whilst trying to run the Newcastle concern had enough on his plate at Bedlington. Writing to Robert Stephenson he mentioned "… we continue to be overwhelmed with business at Bedlington Ironworks."

By 1827 Richardson was openly showing his dissatisfaction with Longridge, Writing to Robert in April of that year he stated

" I can assure thee that thy business at Newcastle, as well as thy father's engineering have suffered very much in thy absence and unless thou soon return the former will be given up as Mr. Longridge is not able to give it the attention it requires and what is done is not done with credit to the house"

Robert returned to England in late 1827 to cool heated emotions and relieve Longridge of much of the anxiety attached to his position.

Longridge was to remain with the Newcastle works until 1836.

In 1853 after approximately fourty years as "ruler" in the Bedlington Dene, Michael Longridge retired from Bedlington Ironworks, but continued to reside in the town. It is fair comment to state that, when he left, the heart was torn from the ironworks and it is true that business was never ever the same again.

Longridge was always a father to his men, well respected by them and also loved by his friends.

Perhaps his greatest virtue was his modesty.

He twice refused a knighthood, in 1840 and in 1845, just as his greatest friend George Stephenson had done before him.

He felt that, should he accept it would be a moral betrayal of Stephenson, and in his reply to Queen Victoria gives this as the main reason for his refusal.

It seems that Longridge, although apparently never admitting it, was a person and sponsor to some of his friends.

Most certainly, the Stephenson's, Birkenshaw and Thomas and Daniel Gooch benefited by his influence and advice.

The Longridge's had seen the firm through its famous years; years which were glorious for British industry.

That the following line of owners were not so successful was part due to the; lack of personality, but not to the absence of ability or courage; rather, reasons can be found in the changing industrial trends of the time.

Contents

TO DISASTER AND DESERTION.

It is fitting that the iron works were advertised and sold in 1853, not as "Bedlington Ironworks" but as "Longridge and Company", Biddulph and Gordon having sold out to Michael in 1850.

The new owner in 1853 was a Mr. James Spence.

Very little is known of his term as proprietor, but he was not particularly successful and after two years he sold his stock in a ten-day sale on 21st May 1855.

One of the few relics of Spence's time is a workman's notebook, which contains details of a paycheck received two weeks before Spence's sale.

It shows that the workmen are paid fortnightly and this particular man received 5 /3d per day. Deductible items were rent coals, doctor and school.

The rent in this mans case was 8 / 0d a fortnight.

After Spence left, the works were abandoned for six year and during that time, at the death of Michael Longridge in October 1858, the Bedlington Coal Company bought Barrington Colliery from Michael's sons, James and Henry. Who left the Northeast to devote their time to their assurance company in Manchester.

In 1861 production was recommended, under the ownership of Messrs. Capper, Mounsey and Dixon.

They made a valiant and an energetic attempt to regain some of the iron works former "Glory", but were forced to abandon their aims in 1865.

Capper, apparently soon left the ironworks for no mention is made of him in any connection after 1861.

In the ownership of Mounsey and Dixon was remembered in which the years after they left, it would, no doubt, be due to the ill luck which befell Mr. Mounsey and his family.

These extracts from the local newspapers tell the story of how Mrs. Mounsey was so tragically killed. The Port of Tyne Pilot for the 1st February 1862 reads:

" A terrible fatality at Bedlington Ironworks. Last night a messenger came all the way from Bedlington Iron works … with the appalling news that Mrs. Mounsey the wife of one of the owners of then ironworks had been literally torn to pieces by machinery. Mr. and Mrs. Mounsey with Mr. Dixon and several ladies had gone into the new mills to see the process of sawing iron"

The sordid details of Mrs. Mounsey's death were revealed at the inquest:

"Thomas Nicholl Simpson of Bebside deposed that on Friday about 4 p.m. he saw at the Bedlington Ironworks calling on Mr. Dixon………….."He saw a party they're consisting of Mrs. Mounsey, some of her children, with their governess and two young ladies."

They were standing looking at a sawing machine when at work. There was a long shaft then in motion nearby; it might have been six to eight inches in diameter and about six inches from the ground and revolving at great speed………………

Afterwards he saw Mrs. Mounsey going in the direction of her children and over the shaft.

He next saw her upon the ground immediately after she fell.

Her arm and leg were torn off from her body and taken around the shaft.

Her body was too large to pass under the shaft and was partially disemboweled,

Her death would have taken place instantaneously."

In evidence John Dixon said that there was no protection to the shaft and that:

"I saw her fall down, as the shaft had caught hold of the fringe of her shawl. I rushed forward and seized hold of her body, but all I could do I cold not make any unavailing to save her life."

The shaft was not finished and this machine was the first day of it's having been set in motion half an hour before they visited the works.

It has been seen that Mounsey came to Bedlington with a beautiful wife, a bag of money, but he left without either.

His partner, John Dixon, achieved fame on leaving Bedlington. A brilliant engineer he was also responsible for laying the first railways in China, which was no mean achievement when one considers the hazards he overcame.

The Times Reports that Dixon was beset by troubles with the natives who complained that construction was disturbing the spirits of their ancestors and insisted on pulling up newly laid tracks when Dixon's workmen had left the job-site for the day.

Dixon also managed to erect the seventy-foot long Cleopatra's Needle on the Thames Embankment, after the attempts of other engineers had failed.

Again "The Times" saw fit to praise the man:

" Dixon has shown an engineering skill which is eclipsed all former attempts in the same direction." The paper called for a knighthood to be conferred on Dixon, but this he never received.

Two of Dixon's other achievements were the building of Hammersmith Bridge and, in Gibraltar, the locating of drinking water on the Rock; this previously had to be brought from the mainland.

Always eager to try out new ideas, and not always successful, Dixon died in 1891, almost penniless.

The era of Mounsey and Dixon cannot be passed over without mention of their gatekeeper, Josse Miller.

He was reputed to be 100 years old when the partnership took over in 1862. Josse fought with Nelson's fleet against the French early in the century and later spent years on the River Blyth as a keelman between Blyth and the ironworks.

Josse died in Morpeth in 1872 at the ripe old age of 110 ten years and eight months.

The evidence that apprentice's from Germany and Holland were at Bedlington during the latter years, as well as premium apprentices from rich families in various parts of Britain, who chose Bedlington Ironworks as the perfect school of learning the iron trade.

This reputation had been made in Longridge's time when apprenticeships were first introduced.

The Bedlington Coal Company purchased the iron works in 1865 and traded as Bedlington Iron Company. The intention was to manufacture iron mouldings for their own use and for outside sales. But little was made of it and the iron works were finally abandoned in 1867.

Bedlington Coal Company did sell one possession of the Ironworks in 1867 and that was the famous wagon way, which went from Blyth to the Tyne Railway Company.

Shortly after this Mr. Robert Stanley Mansel, who owned the nearby Bebside estate, purchased the land on the north side of the river, where the engine factory stood.

1867 was generally a bad year for iron companies, which had relied on local outcrops. Newspapers of the that year continually ran stories of companies failings and such headings as "Coal Owners and the Iron Trade Depression" and " Reduction in Iron Trade'. Were common in the Midlands, Scotland and in South Wales.

Bedlington's failure brought about mainly through the discovery of Cleveland bed of Ironstone in North East Yorkshire in 1846.

By 1863 this mineral was taking over from all the sources of this supply, and bringing into focus big and better new furnaces, which were being built near the source of the ore.

As well as the North Yorkshire competition, furnaces were being built in Cumberland and Furness in the 1860's on the basis of high-grade hematite iron ore found in these districts.

So Bedlington Ironworks finally had to bow to bigger concerns in the "Iron Power Game",

But Bedlington folk could be bloody proud of what they had done in contributing to their iron works way back in the early days, and the part it played in the story of the current defunct "British Iron and Steel Industry"

Contents

Table of Contents:

BEDLINGTON IRON AND ENGINE WORKS 1

1736 - 1867 1

In the Beginning 1

Becoming firmly established. 5

Bedlington's Endowment to the Railroads. 11

John Birkenshaw and the Cast Iron Rail. 11

Further contributions to the Railways 18

The Chartists in Bedlington. 24

1819 - 1853 "Vivitur Igne et Aqua et Ferr Deo Favente." 34

To Disaster and Desertion. 45

Acknowledgements:

· Northern of England History Booklets.

· A History of Northumberland.

· Comprehensive Guide to Northumberland - 1898.

· The BP Book of Industrial Archaeology.

· McKinney's Good Memory.

email Terry McKinney.

Contents.

BEDLINGTON IRON AND ENGINE WORKS. 1736 - 1867.

Courtesy Terry McKinney.

BECOMING FIRMLY ESTABLISHED.

FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE RAILWAYS.

THE CHARTISTS IN BEDLINGTON.

"ANONYMOUS LETTER"

1819 - 1853 "VIVITUR IGNE ET AQUA ET FERR DEO FAVENTE"

FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS
TO
THE RAILWAYS.

THE CHARTISTS
IN
BEDLINGTON.

1819 - 1853
"VIVITUR IGNE ET AQUA ET FERR DEO FAVENTE"